The Korean nuclear issue is the most complicated and uncertain factor for the security of Northeast Asia. Now it has become the center of attention in Asia Pacific and even the world at large. North Korea's foreign relations are shaped by a mixture of historical, nationalistic, ideological, and pragmatic considerations. The territorial division of the peninsula occupies a prominent place in the political thinking of North Korean leaders and is a driving force in the management of internal and external affairs. Over the centuries, unequal relations, foreign depredations, dependence on foreigners for various favors, and emulation of foreign cultures and institutions have been more the exception than the rule in Korea's dealings with the outside world. These patterns give rise to the widely held assumption among Koreans that their ability to control their national destiny is limited by geopolitical constraints. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get Original Essay In 1948, the result of great power rivalry was to institutionalize a Korean civil war between the North Zone and the South Zone. The timing and method of the North Korean attack were dictated by the Japanese factor. By 1949, it was clear that the United States intended to revive Japan as the key to the Cold War system in Asia, a move that sparked the idea of the South's reintegration into the Japanese sphere of influence, supported by the United States. For Kim 11-Sung, the war was a preemptive move, designed to wrest the South from a new threat and allow the united Korea greater freedom of maneuver within the socialist bloc. He thought South Korea would collapse quickly before the United States could intervene. He gambled with the country's future and it proved costly. Although the North Koreans captured 90% of the South in the summer of 1950, they were held back in the Pusan Perimeter and threatened with total defeat by General Mac Arthur's landing at Inchon. Kim 11-Sung and North Korea were saved only by the contributions of Chinese people's volunteers, and the fighting ended in a stalemate in July 1953. The Korean War was a disaster for North Korea. It became the most heavily bombed country in history. Major cities were razed and industry was destroyed. The human losses were particularly traumatic. A plausible estimate is that at least 12% and perhaps as much as 15% of the population was killed during the war. (Smith, Rhodes, Pritchard and Magill p.55) Kim 11-Sung was not held responsible for the death and destruction caused in his country. Instead he became a symbol of national resistance, using the bitter experience of war to consolidate his power. Because of this, North Koreans began to hate Americans and American foreign policy. Kim 11-Sung died in 1994, and his son Kim Jong 11 took his place and followed his father's path of leadership for North Korea. As of late, North Korea has been an interesting topic considering nuclear weapons. In 1994, North Korea became international news due to clashes with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). North Korea's possible nuclear capabilities threaten stability in East Asia. The misunderstanding and mistrust between North Korea and the West even led to talk of war in 1994. In October 1994, the United States and North Korea signed an agreement aimed at preventing North Korea from developing nuclear weapons . The Agreed Framework was the first restrictive measure adopted by the United States and KoreaNorth to ease tensions on the Korean peninsula. The United States negotiated to persuade North Korea to remain a member of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to dissuade it from further developing nuclear capabilities by providing alternative energy sources. Since then, the situation has largely calmed down due to the difficult financial situation that hit the country. However, North Korea's stability and its role in talks with the IAEA are of great concern to most major countries. North Korea continued to develop its weapons program. On August 31, 1998, North Korea conducted a test of the Taepo Dong I medium-range missile. The missile was launched over Japan, and the test worried many Japanese officials. The launch demonstrated that North Korea could build a multistage missile, although the one it launched encountered some problems in flight. The rocket's three stages did not separate properly and it was unable to launch a satellite into orbit. The test missile fell into the ocean, but the possibility of a North Korean missile program surprised many East Asian countries. The North Koreans are expected to conduct another test of the Taepo Dong 1 missile later this year. North Korea's development of a missile program does not violate the agreement reached in 1994, but South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has said it is "a cause for deep concern." (SJ Mercury News 11/21/98) The conclusion that North Korea is developing a weapons program is one of the few signs of growing hostility on the part of the country. In the last week of November 1998, the relationship between the United States and the North Korean government was once again major news. During a recent trip by President Bill Clinton to Asia, he was confronted with the issue of North Korea's weapons campaign. Clinton faced this problem as early as 1994. After the 1994 agreement, North Korea promised not to develop nuclear weapons or their ingredients. In exchange, Japan and South Korea agreed to help build the kind of nuclear power plants for North Korea that couldn't be used to produce weapons-grade plutonium. The United States has agreed to supply fuel oil to North Korea. Now, US analysts believe an underground site is being developed near the North Korean capital Pyongyang. It is believed, but not confirmed, to host a weapons-producing nuclear reactor. (SJ Mercury News 11/21/98) If so, it would be in direct violation of the agreement reached in 1994. Over the past six months, North Korea has presented a threatening position. The launch of a newly developed missile into Japanese airspace and underground construction project could be evidence of a new nuclear weapons installation. This brings many suspicions about North Korea's weapons program. The Clinton administration fears that the construction site may be evidence that North Korea has abandoned the commitment it made in 1994. There is strong sentiment in Washington that the 1994 agreement should be reworked or revised to address current problems. Washington wants to prevent the region from becoming a serious crisis. Toward the end of the Clinton administration, the door to normalize relations between the United States and North Korea opened slightly again. On October 9, 2000, Kim Jong-il's command, Vice Marshal Jo Myong-rok, visited Washington as a special envoy. And on October 23, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright began a historic two-day visit to Pyongyang, where she was welcomed by Kim Jong-il himself. He conveyed the North Korean leaders' suggestions.
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